image description

ISW Journal

Literature from Interdisciplinary Social Sciences (ISW)

Comments Off on From no-go to trend: Generational perceptions on tattoo stigmas and trends

Linde Trommel


What drives people to get a tattoo and how are persons with a tattoo viewed by society? These questions intrigue me, as I have been thinking about getting a tattoo for probably two years now, but the permanence factor keeps me from doing it. What I found interesting is how my parents thought about the possibility of me getting a tattoo. They were very strongly against it. In their eyes a tattoo was something only rough or rebellious people would get on their body. They also commented that they thought a tattoo was kind of masculine. This surprised me because youth right now are very much into tattoos, and the tattoos that I’ve seen among my peers are usually very small, feminine and minimalist. This made me wonder if there is a generation gap in how tattoos are considered between young people today, the so-called “Generation Y,” and the parental generation, “Generation X.”

Getting a tattoo is a big trend right now. In the media, movies and pop culture, tattoos are seen everywhere. But not so long ago a tattoo was considered only something for bad guys and a huge stigma was attached to it. I wanted to find out how these perceptions on tattoos have changed, how it was perceived a generation ago and how it is perceived now. It seems that tattoos have become normalized, going from being deviant and stigmatized to a huge trend in a short time. Existing research mostly focuses on the motivational aspect of the tattoo, but I want to focus on the aspect of social perceptions, and how this differs between the two generations.

These days, even as tattoos have become a trend, in some situations people with tattoos can still feel stigmatized. For instance, in work situations, it is not appropriate to show a tattoo and it is not desirable to have an employee with a tattoo. “Visible tattoos still carry a negative connotation among employers and could be hurting your chances of getting hired,” so one study showed (Huffington Post, 2013). Some people, mostly older people, don’t get the whole trend and still stigmatize people with tattoos. But this also applies for young people; imagine being in a dark alley and a man covered in tattoos approaches you, you’d probably more scared than if that persons didn’t have any tattoos.

Tattoos are linked and used to be linked to multiple deviant youth cultures, such as punkers, rockers and goths. A tattoo is a way of showing who you are, what you stand for, and a way to show which youth culture you relate to. For instance, gangs usually have their gang name tattooed and goths have skulls tattooed. Tattoos have also been a form of rebellion; it’s a way of showing, I can do with my body what I want, parents or society can’t stop me. That’s why some parents dislike tattoos so much, they’re permanent and an act of rebellion in their eyes. Tattoos are most desirable when you’re young because then you deal with peer pressure and the need to fit in. A tattoo is mostly considered a badass thing by youth so if you have one you’re cool and badass. It’s easier to fit in if you’re cool and badass and people look up to you because of your tattoo. Also, youth are more impulsive, and would get a tattoo sooner than an adult. I do feel like it used to be a deviant youth culture thing and is now a trend for the masses.

This research paper attempts to answer the following main research question: What are the perceptions of two tattooed generations on tattoo stigmas and the seeming normalization of tattoos as a trend? The accompanying sub-questions are: What are the similarities and differences between the two generations’ perceptions? How do they feel about their tattoos and tattoos in general? Has their opinion changed over the years? In what way are the generations stigmatized? How does gender fit in that stigmatization? How is it possible that tattoo stigmas and the process of tattoo normalization simultaneously exist? How did generation X (and maybe Y) experience the process from a tattoo being stigmatized to becoming a trend?

The research consisted of six qualitative semi-structured interviews with six Dutch respondents with tattoos. Of these six respondents three were from generation X (respondent 1, 2 and 3) and three from generations Y (respondent 4,5 and 6). The age categories are for generation X: 45-55 years, and for generation Y: 18-22 years. The respondents consisted of 1 male (generation X) and 5 females. The researcher’s network was used to recruit respondents, with the use of the snowball method. The interviews were each about 45 minutes long and more of a conversation about their tattoos. The respondents’ names have been changed and their tattoos are not shown in this paper to achieve full anonymity.

Personal stories and experiences

Every respondent that has been interviewed has meaning or a personal story behind their tattoo. The meanings were all very personal and individual focused; only one respondent, Jesse, had a collective meaning to his tattoo. Respondent 1, Stephanie (48) has this beautiful, large tattoo of a koi carp embellished with flowers on her back and her arms with an extraordinary myth behind it which she got at the age of 32.

It is a tattoo about courage and perseverance. There once was a koi carp that was the most courageous of all, he tried to swim up a waterfall to fight a black dragon that was terrorizing a village. He failed after a hard, long struggle and was incorporated by the gods. They turned him into a white dragon so he could fight the black dragon and save the village.” (Stephanie)

She said that she hadn’t defeated her big, black dragon in her life yet but she had defeated multiple little black dragons. Her koi swims down, “as if he is searching for a new black dragon” (Stephanie).

Respondent 2, Jesse (53) has a tattoo of the logo of his year club of his fraternity on his bottom, which he got at the age of 25. The men of this club decided to give this as a present to each other when they graduated. “We thought about a present for the first graduating boys and could not think of anything other than a tattoo. It’s for fun, and I still think it’s fun” (Jesse). This I found truly interesting because he and his club distinguish themselves from the other year clubs and the fraternity trough this tattoo. In this sense his tattoo is adding to his self-identity and his group identity. And since a tattoo is forever he will always be remembered of his group identity and that part of his life.

Respondent 3, Anne (50) has a tattoo of a small sun on her shoulder which she got at the age of 30. “The meaning behind this tattoo is that I’m a very joyful person and I always knew that if I ever got a tattoo, it would be a sun. However, I mostly cover it up” (Anne). She has had similar necklaces for her daughters made so they could also wear them and be reminded of their mother and to sort of carry on the tradition without her kids having to have the same tattoo. She does strongly discourage her daughters to get tattoos, especially on a young age. When I asked her if she ever regretted her tattoo she had to think for a minute but after all said no, even though I saw some hesitation to some extent in her reaction. She was also the most against tattoos from all the respondents and had the most prejudges, from my point of view.

Respondent 4, Evelyn (21) has tattoos of three elephants on her ankle, a hummingbird on her shoulder and an arrow on her side which she got when she was 19, 20 and 21 years.

All these tattoos represent the hard battle that I struggled, and still am struggling. The three elephants represent my family and that I’m so lucky that I still have them. The hummingbird represents a personal battle that I’m still battling. And last the arrow represents a fun holiday but also to always look forward.” (Evelyn)

She grew up in a very tattoo-friendly environment, her parents have tattoos and supported her in her decision to get inked. She thinks that being in such an environment influenced her views on tattoos. She does think that she got tattoos easier because of the normalization of tattoos in her family. To her, her tattoos were not an act of rebellion but a way to remind herself how strong she is and that she already overcame so much on a young age.

Respondent 5, Monique (20) also has three tattoos which she got when she was 18 and 19 years old. She has an elephant on her side, a moth on her arm and an abstract picture of her and her best friend on her ankle. “The elephant and the one on my ankle are truly personal and meaningful but the moth on my arm is because I really wanted to have a tattoo of this particular artist and I really love it now” (Monique). The story behind the elephant on her side is very personal. The elephant tattoo that she has, has a prosthetic. This is an elephant that her father saved and nursed back to good health. After that he began a business to help other elephants as well and this elephant became face of the brand. Monique visited this specific elephant a lot of times and found this so unique and because of the connection with her father, that she wanted that elephant, with prosthetic and all, on her side. She now also works for this company so it’s truly a family business.

Respondent 6, Megan (19) has a tattoo of three little stars and one big star above them on her ankle which she got when she was 18 years old.“The big star stands for my father, who passed away and is now watching over us, her and her brothers, from heaven.” (Megan) When her father passed at a young age, she was struggling very much with it. To this day, she misses her father a lot, so on the age of 18 she decided she wanted to get a tattoo to commemorate him. This tattoo helps her in times when life is hard and she misses her father. In this way, she knows that he will always be there for her. Her mother wasn’t too happy with it at first, but now she accepted it and finds it a beautiful idea to immortalize her father.

The reactions that these respondents received from society on their tattoo are very different. Some almost only had friendly reactions; “People mostly react very positively because they think my tattoo is beautiful” (Stephanie). “Most people don’t see my tattoo so I don’t really get any reactions. But when I tell them most are impressed” (Jesse). Others also received negative reactions; The reactions I get are mostly very nice, a lot of compliments, but I have received a lot of negative reactions too, such as people who said I was too young to have a tattoo or they stared and stared. That makes me quite uncomfortable” (Evelyn). “In the spheres in which I find myself, more of a high-class scene, a tattoo really isn’t appreciated” (Anne).

The weirdest reactions that the respondents got were things like: “You should really cover that up” (Megan) and “It is such a shame because you have such a classical face” (Stephanie). This also connects to the stigma that tattoos aren’t feminine, further discussed below. The respondents do acknowledge that they became stronger because of their tattoos, the corresponding stigmas and the reactions. Stephanie also said that she thought that to have a tattoo you must “be confident and strong, because having a tattoo is for some people an invitation to give their unsolicited opinion” (Stephanie). Others think that their tattoo is a starting point to break the ice and start random conversations: “I really like it that people comment (positively) on my tattoos and ask stuff about them. I also randomly start conversations with people about their tattoos” (Evelyn).

Further, Evelyn and Monique felt they had some sort of link to other tattooed people, “you went through the same thing and you have some sort of unconditional respect for each other. I also think that tattoos are pretty badass and I like it when people see me as badass so that’s also where this mutual feeling of respect and bond comes from” (Monique). I found this rare bonding process very interesting. It seems they feel the tattoos are something that overcomes race, background an age and creates a mutual understanding and respect that I have never witnessed before by something else.

Generational differences

The differences between the two generations were very noticeable. What stands out is that when the older generation, generation X, got a tattoo they were relatively old, 25 and up. The younger generation, generation Y, all had their tattoos when they were under the age of 20. So, what’s interesting is that the older generation got their tattoo when I would consider them as adults and not youth anymore. When I asked the older generation why that was, they said; I think I’ve thought longer and harder about my tattoos than the new generation” (Anne). “I’ve thought ten years about my tattoo before I was sure enough that I wanted it forever on my back. You don’t see that much anymore” (Stephanie). So, in this sense tattoos are not only part of the youth culture and in the older respondents lives it was only part of their ‘adult culture’. In this way, their tattoo helped less with their shaping of their identities because they felt they already to some level knew who they were. But the tattoo helped them to be stronger in their own identity and the older generation does identify themselves with their tattoo.

The older generation feels that nowadays youth from the age of sixteen get tattoos just because they feel like it and because of the cool factor. They feel they were more original because back then tattoos were something rare and they really thought it through. Even though they were adults when they got their tattoo they still feel that with them it was more of big deal to get a tattoo and all three of them said that it was an act of rebellion. “But even though it was an act of rebellion, I got my tattoo at the age of thirty so you would say by then that you’re out of the rebellious stage of your life, haha” (Anne). “Mine was an act of rebellion because it was the first time I went on vacation without my kids because I was just divorced and it was a bit like “lekker puh”, and the start of a new time” (Stephanie).

The older respondents also feel there is a difference in reactions from the older and younger generations. Younger generations tend to think that tattoos are cool and something to look up to, a status icon. With society becoming more and more open to tattoos, the older respondents were raised with stricter parents and parents who were more influenced by the stigmas than the parents of the younger generation. Also, the surroundings where the older respondents found themselves where older, because they had their tattoos at a later stage of their lives. They feel back then the stigmas were really set in stone in society. There was a lot of parochialism. But now that stigmas in other fields are decreasing too, such as sexuality, gender and so on, society is more open to deviance and much less parochial. So currently they still get more negative reactions from people from their own generation and more positive reactions from the youth.

The younger generation also notices that it is more and more normalized to get a tattoo and some admit that if tattoos weren’t so normalized they wouldn’t have gotten one. “I have my tattoo because I think it’s cool, and of course this has something to do with the stigmatization but If I was to be characterized as a hooker, I wouldn’t have gotten one” (Evelyn). Evelyn said this after I told her about the prior stigmatization that tattoos were only for criminals, sailors and hookers. “When I see someone older with a tattoo I find them instantly three times cooler than a young tattooed person, just because in those days it was really hard to one” (Megan). Evelyn and Monique also felt similar. So, they do acknowledge that old people with tattoos had to face so much more stigmatization and they admire that a lot. They feel like when they got their tattoos it’s wasn’t really an act of rebellion. “Maybe against my parents a little, they still don’t really like my tattoo. But I definitely got my tattoos for myself and because I think tattoos are beautiful and not to break free from the system or something” (Monique).

The younger generation felt their tattoos helped form their identities more. This might be because youth are in the midst of trying to figure out who they are. It is why people always say that you should experiment with new things in your youth, because you don’t know exactly who you are yet, can have phases of who or what you identify yourself with (different youth cultures for example) and have few responsibilities. But with all these factors, including peer pressure, pressure from parents, pressure to live without worries and to experiment, it can still be hard to form an identity without getting influenced by the surroundings. The link between identity formation and tattoos is often more personal. Especially Evelyn, who got her tattoos after a difficult personal and family crisis, felt she found herself and her strength again after she endured the pain of the tattoo. “Even though the hard times of course formed me and who I am a lot, the tattoos were prove of what I overcame and I made me realize who I want to be and even more who I am now, after everything that has happened” (Evelyn). Monique felt like all the experiences in her life construct her identity and her tattoos are one of them. “[the elephant] made me feel closer to my family than I had before and made me realize how important my family and animals are to me” (Monique).


Stigmas are a major part of youth struggles, as youth need to deals with fitting in, being in- and excluded and defining their identity trough others. It is only when people get older that it is suddenly desirable to be original and different, but when you’re young you desire to be like your peers. Goffman defines stigma as “an attribute, behavior, or reputation which is socially discrediting in a particular way: it causes an individual to be mentally classified by others in an undesirable, rejected stereotype rather than in an accepted, normal one” (1963, p. 3). Thus, others are the ones who create a stigma, because of some social discrediting that would make us less human than the ones who create the stigma. The stigmatized mostly share the same societal norms, “he wants to be normal too”, and internalizes the deviant part of himself and that’s why it’s hard to break a stigma” (Goffman, 1963, p. 7). But while the stigma is thus individualized, all these individuals together also form a group of “deviant people” being stigmatized.

The stigmatization of tattooed people started with lower class professions such as sailors having tattoos so that, when they drowned, people could identify the body when it washed ashore (Irwin, 2001). Furthermore, it was a sign of being a real thug, used by criminals, gangs and motorcycle gangs. It was a way to distinguish themselves as real criminals and show how dangerous they were. Think of a teardrop tattoo on the cheek as a symbol for having killed someone or another symbol for going to prison. Gangs also use tattoos to show which gang they belong to, as a way of identifying which collective they identified themselves with (Irwin, 2001). It was also a way to show “that an individual possesses an attribute communicating their lack of conformity to societal norms” (Yang, Kleinman, Link, Phelan, Lee & Good, 2007, cited by Horne, Know, Zusman & Zusman, 2007). The gangs and criminals desperately wanted to show ‘the finger’ to society and its norms and showing their deviance as something that made other thugs fear them more. In that world fear meant power. Tattoos were a way to accomplish this. But in the late 1800s this rapidly changed. All of a sudden elites were interested in smaller, more elegant tattoos, but still, they were interested in tattoos! But then especially after World War I tattoos were associated with the deviant groups listed above again (Irwin, 2001).

In the 21st century, my respondents felt they were still struggling with stigmas. They do feel that people who have tattoos are considered being rough. Although they wouldn’t consider themselves as deviant persons or someone who falls outside of society’s norms, they still sometimes are being seen like that. “I never think something like: I wish I was normal, because I really don’t think that I’m abnormal. But in some parts of this country, especially conformed regions such as the bible belt, I am seen as deviant” (Stephanie). The other respondents also noticed that in rural areas, people are more narrow-minded and restricted about stigmas in general. “Besides my tattoo, they also stigmatize me there when I’m a female alone with my children” (Stephanie). “When I go to my grandma for instance, people there react so different from when I’m in the city. People are much more conservative in rural areas in my opinion” (Monique). Anne did feel like she was deviant, because in her surroundings there is still such a big taboo on tattoos. “I don’t show mine often, also because I think it’s not really classy to wear a shirt without sleeves.

Furthermore, they feel that in work areas tattoos are mostly not appropriate. “When I’m at work, even though I work at my dad’s company I always wear something to cover my tattoo. I didn’t the first day that I worked there, and people, mostly older ones, stared a lot” (Monique). “I work at a restaurant, and since my tattoo is on my ankle it barely ever shows. But I know that a tattoo on for instance my arm would not be appreciated” (Megan). “That’s the reason I always worked somewhere where my tattoos would be appreciated or at least accepted” (Stephanie).

All the respondents do feel the stigmatization is decreasing, especially the older generation. “In my line of work [tattoo journalism] stigmatization is a big part of the business. But when we talk about it, I notice that everyone in the business notices the decrease in stigmatization. Even the older generation: I know a 90-year-old woman who used to be against tattoo but is now ‘infected by the tattoo disease’ and started getting inked by the age of 90” (Stephanie). “I still feel stigmatized sometimes, but only by older people or my age. The youth only thinks tattoos are cool” (Anne). That is something that more respondents said, that they feel like the stigma is mostly decreasing because of the younger generations in society. The older people tend to hold on to the past and still feel like a tattoo shouldn’t be for a classy man or woman.

The youth is also still holding on a little to that stigma, because they are attracted to the rebellious appearance that a tattoo still has. Because the youth likes to deviate from the social norms, it is considered something to look up to if they do something taboo-breaking such as getting a tattoo. But if a tattoo’s stigmatization is decreasing, the cool-factor and the rebellious element also decrease. I noticed in the reactions from the respondents that they didn’t like the process of a tattoo not becoming rebellious anymore. “It’s too bad that the whole threshold to get inked is mostly gone now, nowadays people don’t really think that much about getting a tattoo anymore because it is almost seen as normal. The whole dangerous, exciting element of going in to some shady tattoo shop to get something you know people will find badass, is gone” (Stephanie). I already found this in the difference that the older generation feel like they had to overcome thing when having a tattoo and it being a rebellious act, and that the younger generation does not feel like that at all. The older generation also feels more stigmatized than the younger generation.

All the respondents also still stigmatize people with tattoos even though they have tattoos themselves. Most of them are aware of that: “When a tattooed person approaches me the first thing that still comes to mind is that they’re thugs. I think it’s something implemented in society, education and my upbringing” (Stephanie). “I still think that tattoos are low culture, something for the lower classes” (Anne). “I am aware that I don’t really like tattoos a lot, because they stand out so much on your skin. But maybe that’s also because I have mine on my butt” (Jesse).  It seems like this stigmatization is something so set in society and your upbringing that even when you are a part of this stigmatized group, you also stigmatize the same group yourself. This confirms Goffman’s argument about the stigmatized having the same societal norms and therefore internalizing the stigmas and stigmatizing others (1963, p. 7). It is very hard to lose prejudges, even if you are the prejudged individual yourself. These stigmas and prejudges are things that happen unconsciously in a split-second when you meet someone, the only way to get rid of this is to actively train this (Irwin, 2001). The younger generation, except Monique, felt they didn’t stigmatize tattooed people and thought that they were cool and they liked the rebellious act. This might have something to do with the stigma being decreasing and with the youth the norms are less set in stone so they have less prejudges.

Carroll, Riffenburgh, Roberts and Myhre (2002) also found in their research that “males having tattoos are associated with violence.” In this research females with tattoos weren’t considered violent. All the respondents mentioned they think that tattoos are more appropriate for men than for women. That aspect of toughness which a tattoo used to carry out, it being only for criminals, sailors, or gangs, is still visible. In research “women compared to men were more likely to report that their parents would never truly accept a visible tattoo. That women perceived less approval by their parents is consistent with research which documents that daughters have traditionally been viewed as needing more parental protection” (Gill, 1997, cited by Horne, Know, Zusman & Zusman, 2007). The female respondents felt more stigmatized than the male respondent. The female respondents felt they sometimes had to cover up their tattoos or have heard things like: it just doesn’t fit because you’re a lady, it’s not classy etc. Even tattooed people or tattoo artists are still influenced by this stigma. “The artists that tattooed me actually at first didn’t think that my tattoos fit me and said that they were too big for a woman.” (Stephanie). The interesting thing is that I gained respondent 1, Stephanie, because of the interview appointment with Jesse, so they knew each other. Jesse actually stigmatized Stephanie, saying: “I think that her tattoo is too big, it just takes over her entire appearance. You only see her tattoo and not her, no I don’t like her tattoo at all and don’t think it’s feminine” (Jesse). This also shows that the stigmatized stigmatize. All the respondents think that a tattoo can make a female more feminine, but even then, there are still norms about a tattoo then not being too big, not too dark and not too harsh but small and elegant.


As the great “tattoo king” said: “All this new knowledge from the Internet actually leads to some sort of superficiality. Everybody has the same tattoo” (De Lange, 2016). The paradox of tattoos these days is that tattoo stigmatization still exists but tattoos burst into a huge trend in pop culture suddenly. The moment of tattoos becoming a trend was the commence of the show “Miami ink”. These tattoo artists became known all over the world and celebrities suddenly wanted to be tattooed by these artists. And since many people look up to celebrities, that’s how tattoos flowed through to the masses (Thobo-Carlsen, 2014).

The respondents noticed this sudden change all quite consciously. They were aware that more and more celebrities openly displayed their tattoos and that more and more tattoo shops popped up, not only in big cities. Stephanie was actually a tattoo journalist at that time, so she experienced the rapid change very consciously. “On the tattoo conventions, more and more tattoo artists showed up that we [the ‘old’ community or gang] didn’t know” (Stephanie). Furthermore, she mentioned that “the old gang” has been more and more exclusive and excluding others. The young artists want to learn from the older ones, but since this normalization process the latter are afraid that they will lose business and they no longer want to share their knowledge. These old tattooists look down on this normalization process, this new trend of everybody having a tattoo.  They feel they are “the badass old tattoo artists” and that these new, young, trendy tattoo artists don’t belong to the true tattoo community. This has a classic feel of Elias and Scotson’s book The Established and the Outsiders (1996), in which the concept of exclusion plays a major part. The book describes the ‘old families’; close-knit families who lived in the city since it was founded. These are the established and the newcomers are the outsiders. Similarly, in this tattoo community, “the old gang” are the established and the new tattoo artists are the outsiders, simply based on who was there first. Just like in Elias & Scotson the “old gang” are the ones being looked up to by the new tattoo artists. But “the old gang” had a close-knit community where everybody knew everybody, and don’t want outsiders to destroy that community (Elias & Scotson, 1996).

Here the generation gap between the older and younger generation is also noticeable. The older generation, in this case tattoo artists, find it a shame that the tattoo trend is for the masses now. “Sure, it is nice that the stigmatization has lessened, but it has become way too mainstream” (Jesse). Tattoos used to be a medium to distinguish yourself from the masses and be unique. But now suddenly it seems to be more unique to not have a tattoo. The older generation feel they were unique when they got a tattoo and the youth right now is just following the masses like a sheep.

But the older generation does feel more socially accepted now than when they got a tattoo. Jesse and Anne also like the new trends of tiny tattoos, such as just the outlines of objects. Stephanie still likes the big tattoos more and thinks that it’s a shame that these are also fading away. The older generation also did experience the transition from stigma to trend more consciously, probably because they already had a tattoo at the time. The younger generation doesn’t really know any better and feels that the old fashion tattoos are just that, old fashioned. The rebellious part of getting a tattoo is gone for some of them. All the respondents do really like that because of this normalization process the stigma keeps shrinking.


The main goal of this research was to find out how tattooed people feel society judges them, or not all, and how they experienced tattoos suddenly being a huge trend and the start of de-stigmatization. This is called the start of de-stigmatization because the respondents still experienced stigmatization because of their tattoos. They feel the stigmas around tattoos are decreasing but are not absent yet. Yet because they think that in a few years, maybe a decade, the stigmatization around tattoos is completely gone or worse, that there would be a new movement of people who like their skin blank. Then the stigmatization of tattoo changes to first being rough to being a sheep that follows the masses. I was also interested in the difference between generations in how they experienced the process of stigma, normalization and the tattoo community. I was very interested in this because I don’t have a tattoo and am very curious how it must feel to have one and all of a sudden, the whole world judging and stigmatizing you.

In this research, there are a few paradoxes to detect. Firstly, the stigmatized tattooed persons also stigmatize people with tattoos. This surprised me, because it doesn’t seem to make sense. But if related to Goffman’s theory, it makes more sense. Stigmatized people have the same standards as the “normals” taught by society and upbringing. These norms are internalized; therefore, and even though you might have a tattoo yourself, you still stigmatize others just because those norms are so dominant and built in very deep (Goffman, 1963, p.7).

Secondly, even though the new generation is the reason that the stigmatization is decreasing and the older generation profits from that, the older generations stigmatizes the younger generation. But with a new stigma: them being a sheep following the masses with tattoos now being a global trend. They feel the youth are just taking tattoos because they feel like it and don’t think it through enough, considering that it’s on your body forever. The older generation also feel they had to go through so much to get a tattoo and face all these stigmas, and that the youth do not see it as a big step.

Thirdly, both generations feel positive about the stigma decreasing, as they feel more socially accepted and no longer an outcast. But, they also dislike that the rebellious and unique elements of getting a tattoo are weakened. This links to the paradox above, that tattoos are now more for the masses, that there is no special element to it anymore. Because it is something that you have on your body your whole life (most of the time), people like to have something unique. Of course, the meaning is very personal and unique to you, but if you see someone with the same tattoo you do feel a little bit like a copycat.

Lastly, overall there is still stigmatization about tattoos but at the same time they’re also a huge trend. This seems contradictive. Because of the tattoo bursting into pop culture, the stigma is decreasing and it has become more and more socially acceptable to get a tattoo. But since prejudges are so hard to lose it is questionable whether the stigmatization around tattoos will truly disappear.

During the research, I also found that I had quite some prejudges myself about the people who have tattoos. Previously, I didn’t know that Anne, Jesse and Megan had a tattoo and I was surprised that they did. Especially because two of them, Anne and Jesse, are from the older generation and are very refined people who I thought would be against tattoos. Anne as a matter of fact likes her own tattoos but doesn’t like tattoos in general. That was a hard thing to understand for me, why have one when you feel like tattoos are low culture. Moreover, she said she had never regretted her tattoo before. But after the interview when I thought it over, it made sense to some extent. She barely showed her tattoo to others, she has it on her shoulder, and really got it for herself and not to show off to others.

When I looked online for similar pictures of tattoos of the respondents (not featured in this paper), it only took me five seconds to find almost perfectly similar tattoos on google. This shows just how tattoos are no longer original. Respondents picked a tattoo because it stands for something truly personal for them, but there are thousands of people on the world with the exact same tattoo. This is what I see as the downside of the popularization of tattoos, although there were exceptions, like the ‘abstract picture of two friends tattoo’ of Monique. If I would get a tattoo I would also want something that is still original. Although in the past you could only pick tattoos from a picture book, even more people had the same tattoos probably. This research did make me more excited about tattoos and left me desiring for one more than ever.


Lange, de, N. (2016, November 22). Henk Schiffmacher vertelt over zijn liefde voor klederdracht en zijn tijd in de cel. Vice. Published on

Siorat, C. (2005, June). Reviewed: Bodies of Inscription: A Cultural History of the Modern Tattoo Community by Margo DeMello. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute

Vol. 11, No. 2 (Jun., 2005), pp. 373-374 Published on


Carroll, S. T., Riffenburgh, R. H., Roberts, T. A., & Myhre, E. B. (2002). Tattoos and body piercings as indicators of adolescent risk-taking behaviors. Pediatrics. Published on

Goffman, E. (1963). Stigma and social identity. Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity. Prentice-Hall

Horne, J., Know, D., Zusman, J., Zusman, M.E. (2007). Tattoos and piercings: attitudes, behaviors, and interpretations of college students. College Student Journal 41.4. Academic OneFile. Published on

Irwin, K. (2001). Legitimating the First Tattoo: Moral Passage through Informal Interaction. Symbolic Interaction, 24(1), 49-73. doi:10.1525/si.2001.24.1.49

Larsen, G. & Patterson, M. (2014) “A Deviant Art: Tattoo-Related Stigma in an Era of Commodification” Published on

Taibi, C. (5 September 2013). Tattoos Still Reduce Chances Of Getting Hired, Study Finds. Huffington Post. Published on

Thobo-Carlsen, M. (27 October 2014). How Tattoos Went From Subculture to Pop Culture. Huffington Post. Published on

Elias, N. & Scotson, J. L. (1994). The Established and the Outsiders. Sage: Londen



Global Youth Papers
Comments Off on Arbeidsmigrant of slachtoffer van vrouwenhandel? Een narratieve benadering van het arbeidsmigratietraject van vrouwelijke sekswerkers op de Amsterdamse Wallen.

illustratie-iris-bijmanIris Bijman

In dit onderzoek wordt de persoonlijk evaluatie van het arbeidsmigratietraject van vrouwelijke migranten die werkzaam zijn in de raamprostitutie op de Amsterdamse Wallen op narratieve wijze in kaart gebracht. Het arbeidsmigratietraject wordt gezien als het gehele doorlopen migratieproces in relatie tot arbeid dat start voorafgaand aan het vertrek tot na de aankomst in Nederland. De narratives rondom het arbeidsmigratietraject zijn verkregen door middel van Oral History diepte-interviews met vrouwelijke migrantsekswerkers op de Amsterdamse Wallen. Ter aanvulling zijn er andere betrokkenen en experts tot de Amsterdamse seksindustrie gehoord ter schetsing van de arbeidscontext. De sectoren van de Amsterdamse seksindustrie onderscheiden zich in locatiegebondenheid, vergunningsplicht en op basis van illegaliteit en migratie. De Amsterdamse seksindustrie wordt geëvalueerd als een aantrekkelijke en toegankelijke arbeidssector voor migranten. Bepaalde onderdelen van het prostitutiebeleid worden volgens de respondenten gedreven door moraliteit en stigma’s rondom sekswerk en mensenhandel wat nadelige gevolgen heeft voor sekswerkers. Het arbeidsmigratietraject van de sekswerkers wordt gekarakteriseerd door verplaatsing naar, binnen en tussen Europese landen vanuit een situatie in het herkomstland met belemmerende sociaaleconomische omstandigheden. De sekswerkers evalueren hun internationale verplaatsing en intrede in de seksindustrie als vrijwillig en dragen hiervoor voornamelijk economische motieven aan, waarbij het verkrijgen van een hoger inkomen voor zichzelf en/of hun familie voorop staat. De arbeidsomstandigheden worden geëvalueerd als een situatie met fysieke, economische en arbeidszeggenschap wat zich mede uit in de afwezigheid van geweld en de aanwezigheid van autonomie over het inkomen en het uitgevoerde werk. De evaluatie van de sekswerkers wijst op de afwezigheid van slachtofferschap van vrouwenhandel. Het beschrijven van het profiel van deze sekswerkers als slachtoffer blijkt daarom simplistisch. Dit pleit voor de erkenning van het bestaan van de arbeidsmigratie-gerelateerde motieven voor sekswerkers.


Conflict Studies Theses , Urban Studies Theses
Comments Off on Vrijeschoolonderwijs2032: Een kwalitatief onderzoek naar het draagvlak voor toekomstgericht onderwijs binnen de vrijeschool

klassenNina Hosseini

In januari 2016 presenteerde Platform Onderwijs2032 een advies met daarin de grootste veranderingen die het Nederlandse onderwijs zou moeten ondergaan om leerlingen beter op te leiden voor de maatschappij van de toekomst. Verschillende onderzoeken, zowel in Nederland als in het buitenland, tonen echter aan dat een succesvolle implementatie van onderwijshervormingen vraagt om draagvlak onder docenten. Met deze kwalitatieve scriptie is daarom onderzocht in hoeverre er draagvlak is voor toekomstgericht onderwijs onder docenten op de vrijeschool, een school met een eigen visie. Uit 15 semigestructureerde interviews, die door middel van grounded theory zijn geanalyseerd, zijn vijf concepten naar voren gekomen die een rol bleken te spelen in de houding van vrijeschooldocenten ten opzichte van Onderwijs2032. Dit waren: ruimte voor eigen invulling, het centraal stellen van een brede ontwikkeling, het idee achter de vernieuwing, de vraag welke doelen van onderwijs centraal worden gesteld en het ervaren van een gevoel van erkenning. De conclusie van deze scriptie luidt dat er inhoudelijk zeker draagvlak is voor de voorgestelde vernieuwingen, maar dat dit sterk afhankelijk is van het verdere verloop van het proces en de ruimte die hierin wordt geboden om het ideaal van toekomstgericht onderwijs in te passen in de eigen visie van de vrijeschool.


Global Youth Theses
Comments Off on Are we UvA? De invloed van de beleving van etnische diversiteit op het thuisgevoel van studenten aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam

illustratie_sharda_beerthuisSharda Beerthuis

Hoewel onderwijs de kansen op de arbeidsmarkt vergroot en de sleutel vormt tot emancipatie kan het onderwijssysteem tegelijkertijd zorgen voor de reproductie van sociale ongelijkheid en stratificatie, als gevolg van structurele en institutionele belemmeringen. Op de Universiteit van Amsterdam worden verschillen tussen (etnisch) diverse groepen studenten meer en meer besproken. De studenten met een niet-westerse achtergrond voelen zich minder thuis dan hun medestudenten, ze vallen vaker uit en behalen lagere cijfers. In dit mixed- methods onderzoek is de invloed van de beleving van etnische diversiteit op het thuisgevoel onderzocht onder studenten van de Universiteit van Amsterdam. Middels een integratie van inzichten uit de sociologie, psychologie, sociale geografie en onderwijskunde is een zo compleet mogelijk beeld gegeven van de situatie. Met behulp van drie kwalitatieve interviews zijn indicatoren gevonden als aanvulling voor het kwantitatieve meetinstrument. De online vragenlijst is vervolgens ingevuld door 155 studenten met een diverse achtergrond. Uit de resultaten blijkt dat zowel de subjectieve beleving als de beleving van de zichtbare etnische samenstelling invloed heeft op het thuisgevoel. Daarnaast komt uit de resultaten naar voren dat studenten met een niet-westerse achtergrond de interactie met studenten, docenten, het curriculum en de voorzieningen (subjectieve beleving) alsmede de zichtbare samenstelling van de universiteitspopulatie significant negatiever beleven dan hun medestudenten.


Global Youth Theses , Urban Studies Theses
Comments Off on ‘Makers and Shapers’: Hoe Vrijwilligers Invulling Geven aan Hun Rol als Actieve Burger

helpende-handLisa van Delft – Actief burgerschap wordt in Nederlands beleid steeds vaker aangedragen als oplossing voor sociale vraagstukken. Actieve deelname van burgers aan het publieke domein in de vorm van politieke en sociale participatie kan een positieve bijdrage leveren aan de bevordering van gedeelde opvattingen, het behoud van sociale cohesie in de gemeenschap en voor het verkleinen van de kloof tussen burger en bestuur. In dit onderzoek wordt getracht in kaart te brengen op welke manier vrijwilligers die zich inzetten voor de opvang van vluchtelingen invulling geven aan hun rol als actieve burger. Door middel van vijftien diepte-interviews worden de motivaties van vrijwilligers, hun percepties op, en de betekenisgeving aan het vrijwilligerswerk in kaart gebracht. De resultaten wijzen uit dat vrijwilligers een gevoel van frustratie ervaren jegens de huidige vluchtelingenopvang. Dit gevoel lijkt sterk te worden beïnvloed door het restrictieve en repressieve beleid van Centraal Orgaan opvang Asielzoekers op de verschillende opvanglocaties. Het Nederlandse asielbeleid blijkt niet te stroken met de ideeën van de vrijwilligers over hoe de vluchtelingenopvang moet worden vormgegeven. Middels het uitdragen van humanitaire normen en waarden naar zowel de vluchtelingen als naar de rest van Nederland, trachten de vrijwilligers een tegenwicht te bieden tegen de verharding van het vluchtelingendebat en tegen de bureaucratisering van het asielbeleid.


Urban Studies Theses
Comments Off on Omringd door Koeien of Toeristen? De Invloed van Levensloopidealen op het Verhuisgedrag van Jongvolwassenen Geboren in een Dorp

dorp-staddRozemarijn Houben – Dit onderzoek richt zich op het verhuisgedrag van jongvolwassenen die geboren zijn in een dorp. Er wordt daarbij gekeken naar de invloed van hun levensloopidealen, om deze vervolgens te koppelen aan eventueel verhuisgedrag. Om de idealen aangaande de levensloop van jongvolwassenen te achterhalen en te doorgronden zijn er zestien semigestructureerde interviews gehouden met jongvolwassenen die geboren zijn in een dorp in de gemeente Schagen en zijn gaan studeren in de stad Amsterdam. Hiervan heeft de ene helft besloten om naar Amsterdam te verhuizen en de andere helft bleef in het dorp. Uit het onderzoek is naar voren gekomen dat er tussen deze twee groepen jongvolwassenen een verschil bestaat in de levensloopidealen met betrekking tot de arbeidsloopbaan, gezinsvorming en vrijetijdsbesteding. Uit de resultaten blijkt dat de levensloopidealen van jongvolwassenen die verhuisd zijn naar Amsterdam minder duidelijk zijn opgesteld dan die van jongvolwassenen die in een dorp woonachtig zijn. Hierdoor hebben de jongvolwassenen in het dorp een duidelijker toekomstbeeld voor ogen. Dit laat zien dat de keuze aangaande verhuizing een keuze is die gemaakt wordt op basis van de eigen waarden  Dit maakt dat de problematiek aangaande de leegloop van dorpen genuanceerd kan worden, omdat juist de jongvolwassenen in het dorp gericht zijn op de toekomst.


Global Youth Theses
Comments Off on Whose future, which freedom? The role of the future in explaining the experiences and expectations of welfare recipients regarding the proposal of unconditional social welfare

Daan Tielenburg – This research is concerned with experiences and expectations of welfare recipients regarding the recent proposal in several municipalities in the Netherlands to alleviate the conditions that are attached to welfare. Through a theoretical consideration of a basic income and its premises, the case is made to take into account both the principles upon which a policy justifies itself, and the social context in which these principles become embedded. This means that, to get a clear picture of the principles of justice upon which this policy proposal is based, a discursive analysis of the proposal is conducted. Besides that, through an extensive examination of the lifeworld of welfare recipients, both by interviews and participant observation within the ‘Bijstandsbond’, the social context in which these principles become embedded is sketched. Instead of only focusing on the effect that this interaction could have for welfare recipients, this research also adopts a perspective on the future. In trying to disclose the future as an epistemological domain that has the potential to reveal implicit critiques of the present, this research explores in what ways certain alternative discourses have been silenced, and what these discourses say about the underlying mechanisms that produce present subjectivities. This research thus ultimately tries to shed light on the possible implications that the unconditional social welfare can have for the group of welfare recipients themselves, while at the same time it tries to probe and explore a methodological shift from past to future.


(Credits illustratie: D Sharon Pruitt, via Wikimedia Commons)

Urban Studies Theses
Comments Off on Samen vluchten: De invloed van sociale netwerken op vluchttrajecten van bootvluchtelingen

Illustratie_Benny_HeertjeBenjamin Heertje – In dit interdisciplinaire onderzoek is er gekeken in hoeverre sociale netwerken van invloed zijn op het vluchttraject van bootvluchtelingen. Er zijn hiervoor semigestructureerde interviews afgenomen met vijftien bootvluchtelingen. Er is gekeken naar de gebruikte kapitaalvormen (sociaal, digitaal en financieel) in de verschillende fasen van het vluchttraject. Uit de resultaten blijkt dat informele horizontale bindingen tijdens de preflight-fase van zeer groot belang zijn. Voornamelijk bonding vindt plaats en vrienden en kennissen in de nabije omgeving worden gewantrouwd omdat zij mogelijk gevaar kunnen betekenen. Vanuit zwakke bindingen (met mensen die zich reeds in het buitenland bevinden of middels contact via het internet) wordt informatie over de reis verworven. Omdat het in het thuisland, in tegenstelling tot de vlucht, relatief veilig is, gaan vrouwen en kinderen zelden mee. Verder blijkt financieel kapitaal noodzakelijk te zijn in het begintraject. In de vluchtfase worden zwakke bindingen belangrijker voor informatie, financiële hulp en steun. Daarnaast ontstaan er in deze fase voor het eerst verticale relaties die invloed uitoefenen op het vluchttraject. De afhankelijkheid van mensensmokkelaars is hiervan een voorbeeld. In de resettlement-fase, welke zich kenmerkt door aanpassing en acculturatie, blijken bootvluchtelingen zich weer te richten op sterke bindingen. Bridging met de Nederlandse bevolking zorgt voor mogelijkheden, al zijn bootvluchtelingen terughoudend in het contact. Daarnaast vormen verschillende vluchtelingen een brug tussen Nederland en vrienden of familie die naar Nederland willen komen.


Urban Studies Theses
Comments Off on Wereldverbeteraars of ecologische elite? De invloed van duurzame stedelijke ontwikkeling op gentrification in Buiksloterham in Amsterdam Noord

Illustratie_Rosaly_StudulskiRosaly Studulski – Dit onderzoek is een poging om te achterhalen welke voorwaarden van belang zijn voor een sociaal inclusieve, duurzame vorm van stedelijke gebiedsontwikkeling. Het is een zoektocht naar antwoord op de onderzoeksvraag hoe betrokken ecogentrifiers de invloed van duurzame stedelijke ontwikkeling op een proces van ecogentrification in Buiksloterham in Amsterdam Noord ervaren, met behulp van veertien semigestructureerde interviews en een participerende observatie. De resultaten schetsen voor de case van Buiksloterham een overwegend positief beeld: de respondenten hechten veel waarde aan zowel een sociaal gemengd en toegankelijk gebied, als ook aan het ontwikkelen met vormen van ecologische duurzaamheid. Zij ervaren negatieve kanten van gentrification -zoals uitsluiting van mensen met lagere inkomens door stijgende prijzen- echter als onoverkomelijk en ondervinden een bepaalde mismatch in de ambitie over duurzaam ontwikkelen met de al langer aanwezige bewoners en ondernemers van Noord. Wel zien respondenten in sociale aspecten van duurzame stedelijke ontwikkeling kansen om de negatieve gevolgen van gentrification te remmen, maar dan zal er meer oog moeten komen voor de sociale context van Amsterdam Noord als geheel en zijn er voortrekkers nodig die dit als heel belangrijk ervaren. Hierin is gebleken dat het belangrijk is om onderscheid te maken tussen interne sociale cohesie –tussen mensen binnen de eigen doelgroep- en externe sociale cohesie –met andere betrokkenen, zoals oudere bewoners en ondernemers in het gebied. Wat betreft de rol van de gemeentelijke overheid leidt dit tot de conclusie dat een beleid wenselijk is, waarin op lokale schaal duurzame initiatieven die expliciet rekening houden met deze vormen van cohesie worden gestimuleerd.


Urban Studies Theses
Comments Off on Hoogbegaafdheid en passend onderwijs: Het belang van passend onderwijs voor de ontwikkeling van hoogbegaafde kinderen volgens ouders

Illustratie - Quirien Oldenkamp Quirien Oldenkamp – In deze scriptie is onderzoek gedaan naar wat volgens ouders van hoogbegaafde kinderen het belang van passend onderwijs is voor de ontwikkeling van hoogbegaafde kinderen. Daarnaast is er onderzocht wat passend onderwijs inhoud voor hoogbegaafde kinderen en of de wet passend onderwijs invloed heeft gehad op het realiseren van passend onderwijs. Aan de hand van zestien semigestructureerde interviews met ouders van hoogbegaafde kinderen is informatie ingewonnen over de ontwikkeling van hun kind en hun visie op passend onderwijs. Uit dit onderzoek is gebleken dat wanneer onderwijs aansluit op de behoefte van een kind, het kind grote stappen maakt in zijn ontwikkeling. Niet alleen zijn cognitieve ontwikkeling, maar ook zijn sociaal-emotionele ontwikkeling verbetert. Wat passend onderwijs inhoudt verschilt per kind en is afhankelijk van verschillende factoren zoals de onderwijsbehoefte van het kind, de wensen van de ouders, de kennis op school en de mogelijkheden in de omgeving. Wanneer er werd gekeken naar de wet passend onderwijs bleken hier veelal negatieve ervaringen over te bestaan bij de respondenten, doordat er te weinig kennis is over hoogbegaafdheid binnen het onderwijs. Het wordt gezien als een bezuinigingsmaatregel, waar hun kind de dupe van zal zijn.
Er kan geconcludeerd worden dat passend onderwijs voor een hoogbegaafd kind van groot belang is voor zijn ontwikkeling. Cognitief en sociaal-emotioneel ontwikkelen hoogbegaafde kinderen zich beter wanneer zij onderwijs krijgen dat aansluit op hun behoeftes. Hoe passend onderwijs eruit ziet verschilt per kind. De wet passend onderwijs kan op dit moment niet op de juiste manier worden uitgerold voor hoogbegaafde kinderen door het gebrek aan kennis.


Global Youth Theses
Comments Off on ‘Een goed begin is het halve werk’ De rol van ‘glocal’ (kleuter)onderwijs in de bevordering van onderwijskansen voor Basarwa kinderen in Serowe

Illustratie - Marijne Scherjon en Lotte Hoes Marijne Scherjon & Lotte Hoes – Dit onderzoek gaat in op de invloed van ‘glocal’ (kleuter)onderwijs op de onderwijskansen van Basarwa kinderen rondom Serowe, Botswana. Dit wordt onderzocht op de kleuterschool Bokopano Kids in Serowe. Door middel van een interdisciplinair onderzoek wordt getracht aan het licht te brengen wat een westerse vorm van kleuteronderwijs dat rekening houdt met de omstandigheden van de stam zou kunnen bijdragen aan de onderwijskansen van de Basarwa. Door verschillende disciplines met elkaar te verbinden zijn er nieuwe inzichten over de onderwijskansen van de Basarwa rondom Serowe ontstaan. Hierbij wordt gekeken naar de ervaringen en de betekenissen die de Basarwa gemeenschap rondom Serowe aan (kleuter)onderwijs geven en wat hun problemen zijn in het onderwijs. Het perspectief van de Basarwa stam staat centraal in dit onderzoek en wordt in kaart gebracht aan de hand van meer dan zestig interviews -met kinderen, hun ouders, hun docenten en maatschappelijk werkers- en door een driemaands durende participerende observatie.

De hoofdvraag binnen dit onderzoek is: Welke invloed heeft ‘glocal’ (kleuter)onderwijs –vanuit het perspectief van de Basarwa- op de onderwijskansen van Basarwa kinderen rondom Serowe? Om deze vraag te kunnen beantwoorden wordt allereerst beschreven hoe de leef- en schoolomstandigheden van de Basarwa gemeenschap er vandaag de dag uitzien. Daarnaast wordt ingegaan op de verschillende betekenissen (persoonlijke, economische, sociale betekenissen en de bijdrage voor de stam en familie) die de Basarwa gemeenschap aan onderwijs geven en die van invloed zijn op de schoolgang van Basarwa kinderen. Voor de hoge schooluitval onder de Basarwa worden verschillende oorzaken genoemd (geografische, sociale, culturele, economische en gezondheidsoorzaken). Deze oorzaken zouden volgens de respondenten verminderd kunnen worden door meer ‘glocal’ (kleuter)onderwijs –zoals het kleuteronderwijs bij Bokopano Kids- toe te passen in het huidige onderwijssysteem, waarbij rekening wordt gehouden met de leef- en schoolomstandigheden van Basarwa en met de lokale taal en cultuur. De gevonden resultaten van dit onderzoek kunnen een bijdragen leveren aan de onderwijskansen voor de Basarwa gemeenschap rondom Serowe. Daarnaast vormt dit onderzoek een toevoeging op de bestaande literatuur, aangezien er nog weinig -tot geen- literatuur beschikbaar is over de Basarwa gemeenschap in het onderwijs rondom een stad.

Bachelorscriptie ASW_Marijne_Scherjon_Lotte_Hoes

Global Youth Theses
Comments Off on Healthy is the new skinny: De online en offline identiteit van gezonde levensstijl bloggers

Illustratie - Angela LeonoraAngela Leonora – Dit kwalitatieve onderzoek richt zich op de verhouding tussen de online identiteit van gezonde levensstijl bloggers en de identiteit die zij in het echte leven uitdragen. Gezonde levensstijl bloggers fungeren als voorbeeld voor iedereen die informatie over gezondheid op hun blogs verzamelt. Dit onderzoek laat zien in hoeverre datgene wat deze gezonde levensstijl bloggers op hun blog weergeven in overeenstemming is met de werkelijkheid. Met behulp van 15 semi-gestructureerde interviews is er een beeld geschetst van de motieven van gezonde levensstijl bloggers om een blog bij te houden, de presentatie van hun online identiteit en de invloed hiervan op hun dagelijks leven. Op basis van dit onderzoek kan gesteld worden dat de online identiteit over het algemeen een authentieke weerspiegeling van de werkelijkheid is, waarbij gezonde levensstijl bloggers zich bewust zijn van hun functie als voorbeeld. Echter beslaat de online identiteit van gezonde levensstijl bloggers slechts een deel van hun algehele identiteit. Er kan gesteld worden dat de online identiteit en de offline identiteit van gezonde levensstijl bloggers slechts deels met elkaar in overeenstemming zijn en dat gezonde levensstijl bloggers meer zijn dan datgene dat zij online laten zien.

Bachelorscriptie ASW_Angela_Leonora

Global Youth Theses
Comments Off on Opgelegd of onderhandeld? De invloed van mogelijke spanningen tussen de dominante cultuur en de subcultuur op het leven van ‘die-hard’ gamers

Olaf Buter IllustratieOlaf Buter – In dit onderzoek wordt getracht te achterhalen waarom ‘die-hard’ gamers doen wat ze doen. Het doen en laten van gamers wordt mogelijk gevormd door culturele processen die alomtegenwoordig zijn in hun dagelijks leven. Deze dominante cultuur, die onder andere bestaat uit de kapitalistische logica, individualisering en een toenemende impulscontrole, lijkt haaks te staan op de zaken die gamers belangrijk achten, zoals het beleven van plezier. De al dan niet ervaren spanningen die volgen uit de mogelijke botsing tussen dominant culturele en subculturele normen en waarden vormen de basis voor dit onderzoek. Met behulp van veertien diepte-interviews en twee participerende observaties worden de ervaringen en betekenisgevingen van die-hard gamers geaccentueerd. Uit deze ervaringen en betekenisgevingen blijkt dat deze gamers in staat zijn om de dwingende werking van de dominante cultuur op geheel eigen wijze te verwerken in subculturele ruimte. Hun ‘agency’, ofwel het vermogen om het leven in te richten naar eigen smaak, zorgt ervoor dat spanningen minimaal gevoeld worden. Hierbij speelt de vervaging van culturele grenzen op microniveau een grote rol. Deze vervaging wordt op haar beurt in gang gezet door de intrede van het grote kapitaal in de gamer subcultuur.

Bachelorscriptie ASW_Olaf_Buter

Global Youth Theses
Comments Off on “They can wash away all the posters and protests, but they cannot wipe out the history…”: An interdisciplinary study of the collective identity of the Umbrella Movement

Bachelorscriptie ASW_Tamar BrulsTamar Bruls – This research presents a case study of the collective identity of the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement. Using methods of participant observation and semi-structured interviews, it analyses the developments concerning the rise, fall and everything in between on a micro level. The Umbrella Movement has a strong sense of community that is expressed in collective emotions, symbols and grievances. This is placed in a macro perspective in relation to Hong Kong’s historical, social and cultural background. The collective identity of the movement is seen as a result from a conflict between personal and imposed social identity. Though the movement is comprised of a diverse group of protesters, both political and cultural shared grievances were found. The collective identity of the Umbrella Movement turned out to be closely related to the cultural Hong Kong identity that conflicted with the imposed Chinese identity. The main difference between the cultural and collective identity was however the level of political participation.

Bachelorscriptie ASW_Tamar Bruls

Conflict Studies Theses , Global Youth Theses
Comments Off on Niet bang voor terreur? De invloed van mediaberichtgeving en veiligheidsmaatregelen op de veiligheidsbeleving van Nederlandse jongvolwassenen ten tijde van terreurdreiging.

A sign reads 'not afraid' as thousands gather for a vigil on Place de la Republique in Paris on Wedn Eva Kuip – In deze scriptie is onderzocht in hoeverre de mediaberichtgeving en de genomen veiligheidsmaatregelen de veiligheidsbeleving van Nederlandse jongvolwassenen beïnvloeden ten tijde van terreurdreiging. Middels vier focusgroepen en acht semi-gestructureerde interviews is getracht deze beleving te achterhalen onder 25 jongvolwassenen. Uit het onderzoek is gebleken dat de jongvolwassenen zich bezig hielden met de Europese aanslagen, maar dat de bezorgdheid over deze aanslagen tijdelijk van aard was. Daarnaast gaven zij aan een aanslag in Nederland voor mogelijk te houden. Desondanks hadden zij geen angst voor terreur, voelden zij zich veilig in Nederland, en hadden zij hun gedrag doorgaans niet aangepast. Deze afwezigheid van angst en aangepaste gedragingen kan verklaard worden door de rationele houding van de jongvolwassenen. Wel gaven enkele jongvolwassenen aan zich mede vanwege het beeld dat zij hebben van ‘de terrorist’ – ‘de islamitische terrorist’ – minder veilig te voelen in de buurt van islamitische en allochtone mannen, en hen te wantrouwen en te vermijden. Ook is gebleken dat sommigen zich begrensd voelen in hun uitingen, terwijl anderen juist stelden een grotere vrijheid van meningsuiting te ervaren sinds de aanslag op het hoofdkantoor van Charlie Hebdo in Parijs. De genomen veiligheidsmaatregelen en met name de mediaberichtgeving bleken van invloed te zijn op de veiligheidsbeleving van de jongvolwassenen, en dan in het bijzonder op hun beeld van ‘de terrorist’, van hun veiligheid en van de omvang van de terreurdreiging. Wel zeiden veel jongvolwassenen kritisch tegenover de terreurberichtgeving te staan, omdat volgens hen hetgeen de media over de terreur verkondigen, niet altijd waar hoeft te zijn. Geconcludeerd kan worden dat binnen een risicosamenleving die een gevaar van terreur kent en een mediacultuur die gericht is op dit gevaar, de veiligheidsmaatregelen en de mediaberichtgeving de persoonlijke veiligheidsbeleving van jongvolwassenen beïnvloeden.

Bachelorscriptie ASW_Eva_Kuip

Global Youth Theses
Comments Off on (On)gelijke onderwijskansen? De ervaringen van Turkse en Marokkaanse scholieren omtrent hun onderwijskansen

Sharony Bosma Illustratie Sharony Bosma – Dit onderzoek is gericht op de onderwijskansen van Turkse en Marokkaanse jongeren in de Nederlandse maatschappij. Het onderwijs is in toenemende mate van belang voor de toekomstperspectieven van jongeren. Doordat Turkse en Marokkaanse jongeren zich relatief vaker op lagere onderwijsniveaus bevinden, is het relevant te achterhalen of deze jongeren ervaren dat verschil in onderwijskansen de relatieve onderwijsachterstand kan verklaren. Om dit te achterhalen wordt in dit onderzoek de volgende vraag beantwoord: ‘Hoe ervaren Turkse en Marokkaanse jongeren uit de onderbouw van het voortgezet onderwijs de invloeden die mogelijk een rol spelen bij hun onderwijskansen?’ Om hun subjectieve beleving in kaart te brengen, zijn in dit onderzoek dertien semigestructureerde interviews en vier vervolginterviews gehouden met Turkse en Marokkaanse jongeren uit de onderbouw van het voortgezet onderwijs. Uit het onderzoek is naar voren gekomen dat jongeren ervaren dat de omgeving naast de bekende nadelen ook voordelen kunnen betekenen. Met het bewustzijn van de verschillende invloeden uit de omgeving kunnen jongeren doelgericht handelen. Op deze manier zijn jongeren zelf het instrument van hun kansen; zeker omdat zij tegenwoordig door de beschikbare technologieën, onafhankelijk van hun achtergrond, zichzelf kunnen verdiepen in de kennis die nodig is om succes te behalen in het onderwijs. Hierdoor ervaren jongeren een mate van zeggenschap over hun onderwijssuccessen.

Bachelorscriptie ASW_Sharony_Bosma

Global Youth Theses